Robert P. Swierenga, "'Garbios:' Chicago's Dutch Scavengers" Calvin
College Alumni Lectures Bradenton & Naples, Fl I can't believe you all came today to hear
me talk about garbage! I have a confession to make. I never worked on a garbage
truck, not even for one day. The Swierengas were all cartage men. Too bad for
us. Garbage was where the money was. But we didn't know it at the time. Cartage
was "clean" work. When I worked my way through Calvin driving for my
father's cartage company, I came home tired and a bit frazzled from fighting
the traffic all day, but I wasn't filthy like my friends who worked on their
fathers' garbage trucks. They had to tip cans full of rotten food all day. When
they came home, they had to take off their clothes in the basement and head
straight for the shower. We cartage guys considered ourselves a level or two
above the garbage guys. We worked decent hours, not this all-night stuff; we
didn't pick up at nightclubs and saloons. No. We made our deliveries through
the front doors or clean loading docks. But look who came out "smelling
like a rose." It wasn't the cartagemen!! "Garbios" was the colloquial word
for garbagemen in Chicago. It came into common usage in the 1930s and stuck. I
can't think of a better word. More formal terms were scavengers and refuse
haulers. A friend of mine from Cicero, Bill
Zielstra, who is now a Christian Reformed minister in Pella, worked his way
through Calvin College and Seminary driving garbage trucks. He reflected on
that experience in a captivating way (I quoted him extensively in my book): There has
always been something about this business awfully hard to communicate.... My
brother and I would head out into Chicago's industrial district at 1 a.m. &
navigate a few alleys before hitting the factories. When full, we would arrive
at CID [the Waste Management landfill near Lake Calumet] about 4 a.m. in
complete darkness, with the utility roads lit only by the spouts of methane gas
burning off. I felt I was visiting Dante's hell!... The
experience was intensely personal and individual. The long days. The hard work
done steadily on the streets & alleys by oneself in all kinds of weather.
Rubbing shoulders with men and women for whom one developed a real
affection--though they may have been involved in unsavory activities--together
with the easy going and genuine camaraderie experienced with the other garbios
miles from home; well these things made life awfully sweet. It was hard work
but good work.... The
stories are still out there: the feats of lifting heavy drums. Of steering big
trucks with no power steering (my boss was too cheap for power steering!). Of
Rush Street prostitutes catching rides at 5 a.m.... Of getting acquainted with
gay lovers and rough taverns and silver-plated 45 caliber automatic weapons in
the ghetto.... Of getting to know the alleys of all the ghettos in the
city--and the alleys of the rich neighborhoods as well. Of having
your friend jumped by two thugs and instead of handing over his wallet, he
throws one thug in the back of the truck, starts the blade (with the
accompanying roar of the engine) and turns to find his partner in crime
hightailing it away, so that the other can scramble out before the blade traps
him. Of buying pencils from lonely policemen at 3 a.m.--for $20 per. Of
traveling hundreds of miles and more a day, all over the city, and waving a
hundred times to friends on other trucks. Of opening a side door of a railroad
car full of rotten produce in 100 degree+ weather--and then emptying the rail
car by shoveling the contents into the truck. Of
getting chased down fire escapes by Doberman Pinchers at 4 a.m.--while carrying
a 55-gallon drum in the rain. (That was me.) Of hearing of a friend who finds
dead bodies in their containers.... Of playing hockey with rats. Feeling rats
climb all over you. Of hearing them getting nervous in the trash piles that
have to be cleaned up. Of dumping chemicals on the ground and gagging from what
made it into the hopper. Of doing this 50 weeks a year, 60+ hours per week, and
then being taunted by others who tell you that you've got it made in the Dutch
Mafia. If these are the stories from such a short excursion into this business
as I have made, imagine all the others! My cleric friend could have mentioned other
things about scavenging work, like health problems. Heavy work required heavy
food and drink. The men ate too much lard spread on sandwiches for lunch, and
sausages or a pot roast with potatoes laden with gravy for dinner. And they enjoyed
a cold beer or two on the job, or more commonly, after parking the trucks in
the garage. They were sleep deprived and prone to alcoholism. Heart and liver
problems plagued the garbios. The work, it was said, made widows, since many
men died young. Accidents were also common. Labor Department statistics showed
that scavengers had an accident rate nine times higher than the average for
industrial workers (My cousin John Meidema was killed when he was dumping his
load of garbage onto the conveyor belt at the incinerator and fell in and was
cremated.) Why
Garbage? Why did the Dutch chose such unsavory and
dangerous work? Did they have "garbage in their blood," as it was
said? Hardly. They had been farm hands in the Old Country and were not afraid
of hard work, they loved horses, and they wanted, for once, to "be their
own boss." All it took was a few hundred dollars to buy a horse and wagon
and go into business. There were other pluses. As Peter Huizenga, whose
grandfather went into the business, noted: They didn't
want to work for Americans, they wouldn't work on Sundays, and they wanted to
hold on to their culture and faith, while yet fulfilling the American dream.
They only needed to know enough English to collect the bills, and they could
live among their own people without financial worries, so long as they were
strong and healthy enough to do the work. Teamster Peter Harsema said it best in a
letter to his family in Groningen in 1911: "As a greenie" [a
pejorative term for a new immigrant], I have my own business." Although
Harsema could barely speak English, he kept four hired hands busy at $15 per
week, and made a profit of $120 a week, all, he boasted, "with only a
horse and wagon." But he advised any prospective immigrant not to come to
Chicago unless he was a "strong man willing to do rough work." The Dutch thrived in the garbage business.
Wags said that all it took was a strong back and a weak nose. But it also took
hustle and careful business instincts. Bills had to collected and
"stops" had to be scheduled for maximum efficiency. The work brought
a steady income that surpassed craft and factory wages. While others looked
down on the unsavory work of scavenging, the Dutch saw opportunity. The common
adage was: "Your garbage is our bread and butter." Picking
Up What garbage did the Dutch haul? The city
of Chicago hired its own crews for picking up garbage from homes. Private
scavengers got the rest--commercial and industrial buildings, restaurants and
hotels, high-rise apartment buildings, construction debris, etc. In the
suburbs, scavengers also serviced private homes, because the city governments
quickly discovered that it was cheaper to bid out the work and give a private
company an exclusive contract. The Dutch first found a niche picking up cinders
(ashes). Commercial buildings burned coal (and in the early days also garbage),
and someone had to carry out the ashes from the metal bin next to the furnace.
This was heavy, dirty work, suitable for greenies. Cinders had to be shoveled
into "carry cans" from the ashbins in basements and cellars. The men
climbed up the steps to the street with the can on their back ("humping
it"), and then lifted the can shoulder high to dump it over the sideboards
of the wagon into the hopper. Loaded drums could weigh 150 pounds, and they
were a proven "man-crippler," amputating fingers and toes when
dropped accidently. "Picking up" was only half the
job. What you picked up had to put down. In the early days, ashes were spread
on unpaved streets and alleys to solidify the mud. Building debris and garbage
was used as fill along the lakefront or taken out on scows and dumped in Lake
Michigan, until the city council outlawed these practice and required
landfills. Driving to landfills with a horse and wagon
was time-consuming, so some drivers made illegal "quick dumps" in
alleys and back streets. The wagons were fitted with release levers (a knob on
the floor) to open the bottom doors and drop the loads. The driver simply
stomped on the knob and drove off. At least one such scofflaw gave himself away
in church--this from an eyewitness. While dozing off during the sermon, he
suddenly stomped his foot down for a quick dump. All the scavengers knew
exactly how to interpret this action. First
Families As early as 1900 on the West Side, 75
Hollanders (one of every six in the workforce) were scavengers, and by the
1930s the Dutch monopolized commercial refuse collection in the nation's second
city. During the entire twentieth century, I counted more than 400 Dutch-owned
firms, many of which were handed down from generation to generation. Prominent
families included De Boer, Evenhouse, Groot, Hoving, Huiner, Huizenga, Iwema,
Meyer, Molenhouse, Mulder, Ottenhoff, Ter Maat, Van Der Molen, Vandervelde, and
Wigboldy, to name only a few. Thousands of relatives and fellow church members
were drivers and helpers. The Dutch scavengers were a true
"in-group." Many were interrelated, they attended the same churches,
and they lived cheek by jowl. In times of illness or death, they pitched in to
help one another, just as on the farm. Conversations among the men turned to
business concerns after church, or after work as they sat on the stoops of
their homes. Each story was unique and yet they were
similar. Take one example. When Harm Huizenga arrived from Groningen in 1893,
he bought a horse and wagon and became a "private scavenger," hauling
refuse for $1.25 per load. To pack more in each load, he broke down boxes and
crates, smashed glass bottles, and compacted the debris with his boots.
"Walking it in" was the name for this ritual of filling the load
evenly and tightly. It was said that a man's fitness was measured by two
things: "how much he could carry, and how hard he could stomp." In the 1920s trucks replaced horses and
wagons. But wagons were far better for navigating the narrow alleys and sharp
turns in the "Loop." Buying the first truck could be traumatic.
Huizenga told his son Tom: "When I can't do it with a wagon anymore, then
I'll quit." But he let Tom talk him into buying a truck anyway. It was an
Old Reliable, a Chicago-made truck, with chain drive, hard tires, and the
newest innovation--a box that tilted back hydraulically to dump. The truck
could go over 30 mph, but the city speed limit for trucks was 10 mph! Tom
Huizenga built the Huizenga companies into a thriving empire. Union
Troubles Teamsters faced many difficulties--union
goons, mobsters, police harassment, and in later years, environmental
regulations. Union troubles first surfaced in the 1920s, when Dutch teamsters
in obedience to their dominies refused to sign up with secular unions. To do
so, the men were taught, was tantamount to being "unequally yoked to
unbelievers." Unions remained "under a cloud" in the CRC until
the 1950s. The scavengers had to deal with a corrupt
teamsters local (731 IBT), headed by the fearsome "Dago Dan" (Dan
Tognotti), a henchman of Al Capone. Dan came around in person to sign up
members and collect dues, and he had a reputation for being ruthless with
non-union drivers. Bessie De Boer, who worked for her brothers Jim and Andy in
the office of De Boer Bros, actually got to know Tognotti. "He was always
friendly to us," she recalled. He always came
in a different car and would park it in the back of the garage. He would sit
looking out the front window of the office to see if the police were following
him. He would pull up his pant legs and show us the scars where the police had
beaten him.... He always brought me a big box of candy at Christmas time. One
Saturday he didn't show up. We learned that he too was murdered. So, no candy,
and no Dan Tognotti. Defying the union could carry a high price.
One Dutchman saw the barn behind his house destroyed by arson, along with his
horse and wagon. In 1927, when two of Tognotti's goons threatened Peter Ter
Maat, he declared defiantly: "I'm bomb proof, fire proof, and shot
proof." That afternoon when he drove into the Cicero dump, two men pulled
him out of the cab of his truck and backed his loaded vehicle into the pit. It
is still there. Peter De Vries, in one of his novels, satirically referred to
this incident. As the truck went into the abyss, said De Vries, the driver
could be heard singing the hymn, "How firm a foundation, ye saints of the
Lord." The
Association To protect themselves and control the
business, the garbios, 90 percent of whom were Dutch, organized the Chicago
& Suburban Scavengers Association, or simply "The Association."
The year was 1929, the year of the stock market crash. The members relied on
informal understandings and agreements to control contracts and keep out
interlopers. The governing regulation was: "Once your building, always
your building--once your site, always your site." This was an informal "restraint of
trade." The Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890 banned such collusion among
large corporations, but the law did not apply to small companies like the
garbios. No wonder critics called the Association the "Dutch Mafia." I was very fortunate to get an insider's
view of the Association because of "Dutch bingo." While attending my
brother-in-law's funeral, I met his best friend, Cal Iwema, who was a Calvin
graduate (class of 1950), a history major. Cal's father, Bonne
("Bonnie") Iwema, was the first president of the Association in the
1930s and 1940s. Cal, like a good historian, held on to the minutes! And he
gave them to me. (The originals are now in the Calvin Archives.) The Association operated like a church
consistory--with monthly meetings and detailed minutes, election of officers,
disciplinary committees, brotherly admonitions, annual dinners and picnics, and
discussions of common interests. The atmosphere of the Association meetings was
quite different from consistory rooms, however. The garbios didn't open and
close in prayer. Instead, they rolled out a keg of beer with sandwiches.
"Many of our members are humorists," the long-time secretary Edward
Groenboom reported. "They like to laugh. They enjoy a good story, a snappy
comeback. All of which enlivens the meeting." Of course, he added, "a
glass of beer helped to promote the era of good feeling." In 1938 one of the members, Jacob Molter,
finally got up the nerve to urge the men to "cut out the beer,"
because, he argued, "no coaxing or other foolishness must be employed to
get members to meetings." But the members would not hear of it. The
minutes of that meeting conclude: "A glass of beer refreshed the members
present. It is a drink for real men." Groenboom reported for the first
time in 1941 that "some preferred coffee." By that time problems of alcoholism
were rampant among the scavengers. A related problem was gambling over the
beer. One owner reportedly bet one of his routes on the dice, and won! (One
route with dozens of stops was enough to support a man and his family.) Members absent from scheduled meetings without
notification were subject to fines of $1, which could eventually lead to
expulsion and loss of privileges. But schedule conflicts because of Christian
school board or consistory meetings were readily excused. "Lost jobs," or conflicts over
"stops," were the nemesis of the industry and the topic of nearly
every Association meeting. Disputes between members were especially troublesome
because they divided the brethren. A typical dispute in 1931 involved Peter
Ter Maat and Wolter Lindemulder. Ter Maat secured a new stop at the 305 S.
Wabash Avenue building, which had been vacant for several months but the stop
previously belonged to Lindemulder. Ter Maat was ordered to give it back but
refused at first, claiming that another member, Dick Evenhouse, had taken work
away from him at the Wrigley Building. But Evenhouse proved from his account
books that Ter Maat was misinformed about the Wrigley Building. "After a
lot of talking back and forth," Ter Maat was told that "for the
present he is out of luck" and the decision is "final and not subject
to change." Clearly, the Association was judge, jury, and executioner. In March 1932, in the throes of the Great
Depression, Association president Bonne ("Bonnie") Iwema gave voice
to the uncertainty of the times in a speech to the members, which I found
penciled on the back of a membership dues list. "We feel the foundations
shaking upon which we are standing," he noted. We scavengers are also
being tested, but by organizing we "came out by the skin of our
teeth." Iwema urged the men to work together. "Don't fight each
other," was his constant theme, and above all, act in a "Christian
manner." This was a tall order for men who were as rough and tough as they
come. Fighting
The Mob The Association proved invaluable in the
1960s, when the Italian mob, known as the Crime Syndicate, decided to muscle in
on the multi-million dollar, refuse business. This became known as the
"Garbage War." In 1960 syndicate leader William Daddano, alias
"Willie Potatoes," formed a company, American Scavenger Service, in
order to take over the private refuse business. [Note that the name
"American Scavenger" implied that the Dutch immigrants weren't true
Americans.] Daddano sent his goons to long-time
customers of the Dutch garbios, who simply informed them that the new company
would take over their garbage pickups. "All they [the mafia] do," a
Dutchman complained, "is drop the name of a hood friend and they get the
business--customers I had for years." When scavengers stopped by to ask
why customers canceled, "All they tell us is, 'Please go away, we don't
want to have anything to do with you.'" The implied threat of bodily harm
by the mob was enough to melt even stout hearts. With such strong-arm tactics, Daddano and
his operatives in the first three months took from the Dutch more than one
hundred of their best accounts--nightclubs, restaurants, and large stores.
Daddano's father-in-law, Rudy Fratto, seized sixty lucrative accounts on Rush
Street, Chicago's nightclub district, and proclaimed himself the "Garbage
King of Rush Street." Fratto turned over the business to Daddano, and
American Scavenger grew ten-fold the first year. But the Dutch held the trump card; they
owned the dumps and refused to accept loads from non-Association members. The
mob-owned trucks had trouble finding a place to dump! Many drivers dumped
illegally. The police soon heard all about the "garbage war among
scavengers" and they went after the thugs, egged on by Chicago newspapers
editors who ran lurid accounts of the mobsters' crimes and strong-arm tactics. The mob also did a lousy job of actually
running their garbage businesses. Their trucks were junks, their drivers
careless and untrustworthy, and the routes were not run efficiently. In the
end, the Crime Syndicate found little gold in garbage; traditional graft was
far more lucrative. In desperation, they finally gave up and sold their trucks
and accounts to Dick Evenhouse, a member of the Association. David had slain
Goliath. The Dutch mafia proved to be stronger than the Italian mafia. From
labor-intensive to capital-intensive methods Collecting garbage was always
labor-intensive. But in the 1950s the industry became capital-intensive, with
the development of new power equipment that cut down the injuries and speeded
up the work. Dutch scavengers thought up some of the innovations. Harold Van
Der Molen designed the first one-yard mobile container that could be hoisted up
mechanically, the contents dumped in the hopper, and compacted by a moving
steel blade. This simple idea revolutionized the way garbage was collected and
saved many an aching back. Soon there were huge 20- and 30-yard "roll
off" containers. Most cans and barrels still had to be
picked up by hand. So the biggest breakthrough was the power packer truck, with
a low intake bin at the rear. This speeded up the pickups so much that trucks
could make three trips to the dump per day instead of one. And the power packer
crushed three times as much garbage into each load. Total output per truck thus
jumped eight-fold. But packer trucks cost upwards of $100,000, ten times as
much as the old trucks. Today they cost more than $200,000, because of the
hydraulic arms and claws to grab containers and the front bucket hoists. The power packers were tailor-made for
police harassment, especially by the Illinois state police, who ticketed
drivers for running overweight on state highways. The problem was the design of
the packer trucks with their 6,000-pound compactors over the rear axles, which
crushed the refuse and moved it forward as the truck was loaded. As a result,
the first half of the load was concentrated almost entirely over the rear
axles. This meant that a truck was overweight on the rear axles before it was
half full, even though it was well within the legal weight limits for its front
axle. To comply with the law, drivers made several extra trips to the dump,
which required them to work late into the evening so as not to leave garbage at
the curb. This police enforcement threatened to put
the scavengers out of business. "There is no question about it," said
Everett Van Der Molen. William Buiten of Garden City Disposal (Calvin
grad--class of 1950 and son-in-law of Dick Evenhouse), the new executive
director of the Association, explained that its two hundred members firms,
whose one thousand trucks serviced three million Chicago and suburban
residents, were between a rock and a hard place. They could either operate
within the law and go out of business, or violate the law and go bankrupt
paying the $46,500 in tickets the police had written in the previous month. He
predicted ominously: "All of us will be up to our necks in garbage." In desperation, seven scavenger firms filed
a class action lawsuit on behalf of all private refuse collectors in the state,
and challenged the constitutionality of the state truck weight laws. While the
legal process plodded along, Buiten and the Association pulled the political
levers in Springfield (the state capitol) and got the legislature to raise the
weight limit only for garbage trucks on city and state roads from 54,000 to
72,000 pounds. (Interstate roads were not covered by the bill; they fell under
federal jurisdiction.) Governor Richard Ogilvie, a Chicago lawyer
and legal friend of the Dutch Association from the mob days, happily signed the
bill, which had wide support from many village councils and mayors who had
lobbied on behalf of the refuse haulers. Thanks to Buiten's adroit efforts, the
scavengers had dodged a bullet and got the state police off their backs. Wags noted
that the officers were especially chagrined at losing a lucrative source of
"payolla" for the patrolmen's benevolent association. "Going
Public" By the 1960s hauling waste had become so
capital intensive and complex that a new way had to be found to manage the
business and finance it. Owners began combining their individual businesses
into corporations and developing jointly owned incinerators and landfills. This
set the stage for the next development, tapping the capital markets. Here is
where the Dutch garbios "hit the jackpot." They "went
public" to raise capital for growth. The Huizenga clan--H. Wayne and cousin
Peter Huizenga, and Peter's brother-in-law Dean Buntrock, took the lead in
Chicago. [An aside--Buntrock's wife B.J. Huizenga (ex '52), and her brother
Peter Huizenga (ex '57), and H. Wayne Huizenga ('58) had all been kicked out of
Calvin for partying.] In 1971, the Huizengas combined their twenty interrelated
companies, with assets of nearly $3 million, into a megacompany, named Waste Management
Inc. (WMI). Buntrock thought up the name. The model was the Houston-based Browning
Ferris Industries (BFI), founded two year earlier, in 1969, which raised over
$13 million through public stock offerings. With the cash, BFI offered to pay
thirty times earnings for the larger firms, and acquired two big Chicago
companies--John Vandervelde's National Disposal Contractors and Van Der Molen
Disposal. BFI reportedly paid $12 million for the Van der Molen firm, about $1
million per truck with its stops. In two years BFI controlled 200 firms in
Illinois alone. The Huizengas fought back, led by H. Wayne,
a master promoter. In 1971 they arranged two stock offerings and quickly raised
$430 million in the stock market. With the cash, Wayne went on an acquisitions
tear, but he found that he didn't need to offer much cash. Scavengers were
willing to take WMI stock in payment and join the company, with generous
salaries as company officials. More than three quarters of former owners
"stayed on" and continued to run their companies; Waste needed their
expertise and management skills. They simply "joined the team." With the system set, Chicago garbios
expanded their operations to Denver, Phoenix, Grand Rapids, Detroit, Orlando
and Ft. Lauderdale, and indeed, throughout the United States, and then into
Europe, and even the Middle East and South America--Saudi Arabia, Argentina,
and Venezuela. WMI stock soared faster than its customer
base. Shares traded at a multiple of up to forty times earnings. Waste
Management split its shares eleven times and one share multiplied into
seventy-two shares. Selling out to WMI was as profitable for owners as for
thousands of public stockholders. Lo and behold, the lowly Dutch Chicagoans had
achieved "critical mass" in their finances and those of their friends
and fellow church members who had gotten in on the ground floor. Millionaires
were made by the dozen. When this money machine opened its mouth, an era in Chicago scavenger history came to an end. Selling to public corporations like BFI and WMI spelled the end of Dutch dominance in Chicago's waste business. But who would have thought that the lowly Dutch of Chicago would thrive on garbage!
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