Robert P. Swierenga, Research Professor, A.C. Van Raalte Institute for Historical Studies, Hope College

Paper for the conference "Zeeuwse emigratie in de negentiende eeuw," Roosevelt Study Center, Middelburg, The Netherlands, September 6, 1997

Dutch emigrants thought long and hard before deciding to go to America, and once the decision was made they were just as deliberate about planning the journey across the ocean and selecting the place of settlement. They had time to plan their journey to America because they were not forced like the Irish to flee from famine, or like the Germans to run from revolution, or like the Russian Jews to escape persecution.

Among this number were at least 25,000 Zeelanders who sailed into U.S. ports between 1835 and 1920. In the first period of emigration, 1835-1880, 14,100 left for overseas destinations, of which 96 percent settled in the USA. Zeelanders made up almost one-quarter of all Dutch emigrants in these years. Between 1881 and 1900 11,300 more Zeeuwen emigrated, with 87 percent going to the USA. From 1901 to 1920 another 8,000 Zeelanders departed overseas, but less than two-thirds went to the USA. In the important early years from 1835 to 1880, the province of Zeeland ranked first in overseas emigration on a per capita basis and in total numbers. Zeeland's overseas emigration rate was 841 per 100,000 population, or more than twice that of any other province. Zeeland also led in per capita emigration in the period 1881 to 1893, although Friesland and Groningen surpassed it in totals numbers.

Before crossing the great ocean immigrants had to make plans and consider a number of key questions. Which port cities were most conveniently located, taking account of fares and the quality of service offered by the various shipping companies? What was the most favorable time of year to sail, considering weather conditions and also the prospects for finding work upon arrival? Was it advantageous to travel in large groups, which offered greater security but also the inevitable delays and loss of control over travel arrangements? What shipping companies had the best reputation for reliability, cleanliness, and service?

The answers to these and many similar questions about the immigrant traffic can be found in official records and reports, personal travel diaries, and in letters sent back to family and friends about the journey across. The letters and diaries portray individual experiences and reveal the pathos of leaving, the routine of the ocean passage, and the exhilaration of arrival in the land of promise. A federal law required ship captains beginning in 1820 to submit under oath to American customs officials detailed lists of arriving passengers. The ship manifests reported the standard biographical facts on each immigrant but, unfortunately, not the municipality of origin. The Netherlands government, however, compiled annual lists of overseas emigrants from each municipality for the years 1835 to 1880, which I have linked with the ship passenger manifests to provide the detailed information needed to answer the questions posed earlier.

The immigrant trade was clearly tied to the normal lines of transatlantic commerce. The early vessels were mainly freighters that carried raw American produce such as cotton to Europe and on the return trip "human freight" provided a paying ballast. In the 1850s and 1860s, packet steamers designed for the emigrant trade replaced the often irregular sailing vessels; the steamships shuttled the Atlantic on regular schedules.

When the Dutch emigration began in earnest in the mid-1840s, more than one-half crossed in groups of ten or more. In 1846-1847 several groups, including the Zeeland congregation of Dominie Cornelius Van der Meulen, numbered over nine hundred. Leaders divided the very large groups into smaller contingents because of the limited carrying capacity of the sailing vessels and for the practical reason that smaller parties were easier to manage and to obtain decent travel accommodations. The Zeelanders divided into three groups, led by Van der Meulen, Jannes Van de Luyster, and Jan Steketee. Passage in large groups was the exception rather than the rule.

Dutch, English, Belgian, French, and German shipping companies dominated the northern European passenger trade in the

mid-nineteenth century. For the Dutch, Rotterdam had the advantageous position astride the Rhine delta. In the 1840s, when large Seceder groups departed, 62 percent of all Dutch emigrants sailed for America directly from Rotterdam; only 15 percent went from Amsterdam. In the 1860s, however, Liverpool and London surpassed the premier Dutch harbor, carrying 4,200 Dutch, compared to only 1,600 at Rotterdam. Liverpool gained a larger share of the Dutch traffic only because of their lower fares. Poorer emigrants were willing to tolerate the inconveniences of transshipping via England in order to garner the savings on the transoceanic ticket. More than twice as many day laborers traveled over Liverpool than went directly to America from Rotterdam. In the 1870s, however, the Holland-American Steamship Company (N.A.S.M.) began regular passenger and freight service and by 1890 the "Holland-American Line" had 2,000 agents throughout the Netherlands recruiting emigrants and offering free lodging in Rotterdam.

This energy, together with the opening of the New Waterway to Hoek van Holland, enabled Rotterdam to regain its dominant position; 8,500 Dutch emigrants embarked there compared to 5,500 through England. The more southerly ports of Le Havre and Antwerp competed with Rotterdam for the immigrant traffic. The construction in 1859 of a canal between the Meuse and the Scheldt rivers better enabled Antwerp to tap its hinterland. In the 1850s Antwerp attracted nearly one-fifth (17 percent) of all Dutch emigrants.

For the entire period from 1820 to 1880, 25,000 Dutch crossed to America out of Rotterdam, 10,000 from Liverpool, 6,200 from Antwerp, and about 3,000 each from Amsterdam, Le Havre, and London (Table 1). In percentages, 47 percent sailed from Rotterdam, 18 percent transshipped from Liverpool, 11 percent used Antwerp, and Amsterdam, London, and Le Havre each had approximately 6 percent (Table 1).

The next question is: who sailed from which ports? As Table 2 shows, in the 1840s and 1850s Zeelanders, along with all the Dutch except Limburgers, much preferred Rotterdam. But in the next decades Zeelanders took their business to Antwerp and Liverpool shippers. Before 1860 72 percent of Zeelanders departed from Rotterdam or Amsterdam, 19 percent left from Antwerp or Le Havre, and only 9 percent embarked at Liverpool or London. After 1860, 39 percent fewer sailed from Dutch ports and 63 percent more chose Antwerp, because the canal made it very convenient. In those years Rotterdam shipped 44 percent of Zeelanders, Antwerp 31 percent, and Liverpool 25 percent. Zeelanders thus used Rotterdam and Antwerp more and Liverpool less than did other Dutch emigrants.

This province-wide picture is quickly refined by taking into account regional variations among Zeelanders in the choice of ports of embarkation (Table 3). For whatever reasons, emigrants from Tholen were least likely to use Rotterdam, while those from Oost Zeeuws-Vlaanderen were most likely to do so. Less than one-half (47 percent) of Tholen emigrants sailed from Rotterdam, compared to 61 percent of those from Oost Zeeuws-Vlaanderen. Here the similarity ends. The others from Tholen were divided between London (20 percent), Liverpool (19 percent), and Antwerp

(10 percent); whereas 28 percent of Oost Zeeuws-Vlaanderen emigrants used nearby Antwerp. The same proportion of emigrants from West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen took ship at Antwerp, as did a relatively large proportion (33 percent) of emigrants from Zuid Beveland.

Antwerp was clearly a convenient port of embarkation for southern regions, but the Dutch barge (trekvaart) transport system funneled passenger traffic to Rotterdam much more regularly than it did to Antwerp, which had only one line from Bergen op Zoon. The premier Dutch harbor captured most of the emigrants from the four primary regions of emigration--in order, West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen, Duiveland, Zuid Beveland, and Walcheren. Barges ran from Brekens to Rotterdam over Middelburg, Goes, and Zierikzee twice daily. Zeeuwsen preferred to take passage on Dutch vessels with Dutch captains and Dutch crews.

Immigrant Agents

The major Dutch immigrant agency and ship broker in the middle decades of the nineteenth century was the Rotterdam firm of Wambersie, founded in 1838 by Johan Wambersie (1806-1874). Wambersie was ideally suited to capture the immigrant transport market because he knew the English language and the American scene at first hand, having been born of Dutch parents at Savannah, Georgia. He returned to the Netherlands in 1833 and spent the next fifty years in the shipping business. In 1847 Wambersie and his partner Hendrikus Crooswijk offered to bring emigrants to New York "as cheaply as possible--in fact, for 30 guilders each."

The Seceders especially used the firm's services. Hendrik Scholte's Utrecht group signed with him and Cornelius van der Meulen wrote from Michigan specifically recommending the "office of Wambersie and Crooswijk in Rotterdam." Gerrit Baay, another Seceder clerical leader, also commended the company for its service to his group of Wisconsin colonists. Despite the obvious Seceder preference for the Wambersie firm, Albertus Van Raalte selected the rival firm of Hudig & Blokhuizen as brokers for his group.

Wambersie placed agents throughout the Netherlands from Limburg to Groningen and Friesland. But the firm faced stiff competition in the north after 1867 when the Groningen firm of Prins & Zwanenburg opened a shipping office for emigrants and freight cargo to North America. Anne Zwanenburg staffed the headquarters office in the Frisian port of Harlingen, and senior partner Arend Martens Prins became resident agent in the head office at Groningen.

Other Rotterdam firms were Van Dam & Sweer, Cornelius Balquere & Son, De Kuipers, and P. A. Van Es & Company. At Amsterdam Wehlburg & Breuker and Ponselet & Zonen advertised their services. Ponselet served as agent for Pieter Zonne's Seceder group from the province of Overijssel in May of 1847. Amsterdam ticket prices were considerably cheaper than those from Rotterdam but sailings were less regular.

The emigration companies in the Dutch port cities not only stationed agents in interior cities and advertised widely in newspapers throughout the Netherlands, but the most ambitious firms, such as Prins & Zwanenburg, sent partners and representatives to the Dutch settlements in the United States to sell prepaid tickets and to serve as immigration agents for American railroad companies. Martin W. Prins, Jr., son of the senior partner, went to Chicago, and his partner Theodore F. Koch settled in St. Paul. The firm printed glossy brochures and advertised their services and farmlands regularly in local newspapers. The number of prepaid tickets used by the Dutch is unknown, but it certainly increased over time as the immigrants became established in America and could afford to send for family members.

The Dutch brokerages had to work hard to compete for the lucrative trade with foreign agencies from Antwerp, such as Steinman & Company and Adolph Strauss and his son Henry, who operated alongside the Dutch houses. Strauss and Steinman advertised weekly in Dutch newspapers in the south. Strauss's ads in 1862 and 1863 cleverly included the text of the new American Homestead Law which appealed to small farmers. The ads also stressed that there were regular sailings each Saturday by steamboat directly from Antwerp to New York, as well as twice a month sailings on a large and speedy three-mast schooner with clean, first class accommodations. Not only was the trip shorter than going over England, but the fares on the schooner were 20-25 francs per person cheaper than other shipping companies that went over English ports. For poorer emigrants the discount was significant because transatlantic tickets cost from one to three times the average monthly wage of a laborer or craftsman.

The preferred arrival port in North America for immigrants was New York City. In the early years, Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Orleans, and Boston, together managed to lure one-third of the Dutch emigrants, but after 1850 nearly 95 percent, Zeelanders included, entered through New York (Tables 4 and 5). No other port could rival the city's reception facilities. The Castle Garden reception center on the tip of Manhattan Island, which opened in 1855, was so commodious, well-run, and protective of the new arrivals that its fame spread throughout Europe. The New York Times in 1874 asserted somewhat boastfully that "Castle Garden is now so well known in Europe that few emigrants can be induced to sail for any other destination. Their friends in this country write to those who are intending to emigrate to come to Castle Garden where they will be safe, and if out of money, they can remain until it is sent to them."

The Empire City was less "foreign" to the Dutch than other ports because of its Netherlandic origins and culture. Dutch immigrant aid societies welcomed the newcomers. In early 1847, leaders of the Dutch Reformed Church of America, particularly the Reverend Thomas De Witt of New York City, formed the "Netherlands Society for the Protection of the Emigrants from Holland." Pieter I. G. Hodenpijl, himself an immigrant in 1840 and professor of modern languages at Rutgers College from 1843 to 1846, served as the "general agent" of the "True Netherlands Society" (as it was popularly known) until 1854.

Hodenpijl met all Dutch vessels at the docks and directed immigrants to several rooming houses near the harbor run by Dutch proprietors, notably Albert's Hollandsche Logement at No. 26 West Street on the North River and the Company for Dutch Emigrants at 157 Cedar Street. Unfortunately, Hodenpijl incurred the mistrust of the immigrants when he became involved as agent for Dutch-American land speculators in western Michigan.

In the years 1870-1884 the Reverend A. H. Bechthold, pastor of the Holland Reformed Church of New York, and his son met each Dutch immigrant ship and helped their compatriots during their stay in the city. Until 1881, the usual Dutch stopping place was the Holland Hotel at 3 Battery Place near Castle Garden, kept by a Mr. Rolffs. When it closed in 1881, the Dutch immigrants were directed to the German Immigration House sponsored by the Lutheran Mission Society. The cost was $l per day per person.

The rural Dutch found the bustling city of New York a threatening and strange environment, teaming with "sharks" and "runners," some of whom posed as Dutch-speaking "friends" who tried to swindle the new arrivals. As Dominie Baay warned in a letter to the homeland: "trust no one," including countryman who speak Dutch, and get out of the city as soon as possible. Since the Hudson River steamship departed for Albany daily at 6 P.M., Baay recommended transferring baggage from the ocean vessel to the steamship on the day of arrival and proceeding directly to Albany, where there were helpful and trusted Dutch-speaking clerics, notably Isaac N. Wyckhoff of the Second Reformed Church. Similarly, Baay warned about staying in Buffalo and urged his followers to board the lake steamer for Milwaukee without delay. Another Seceder, J. Berkhout, reported in a letter to the Netherlands in 1848: "New York is in many places a danger for pedestrians because of the masses of carts and wagons and the din of the people going back and forth. I said big, busy, dangerous, also dirty, but gracefully-built New York."

The Empire City was ideally situated geographically and had adequate inland transport to enable the Dutch to reach their ultimate destinations in the Great Lakes region where most colonies were concentrated. The usual route inland was the Hudson River-Erie Canal waterway to Buffalo, and then the Great Lakes passage to Chicago, Milwaukee, or Sheboygan. After the railroad link from New York to Chicago was complete by 1852, immigrants could also choose the speedier but more costly iron horse.

Transatlantic fares were relatively cheap at the time of the Great Migration and they became even cheaper after the Civil War. Fares varied, of course, with demand, season of the year, and destination (New York was cheapest and New Orleans most expensive because the trip there was ten to twenty days longer). In the 1840s, Rotterdam to New York fares averaged $14 (f35) for a third class ticket in steerage, the infamous "between decks" ("tussendeks"). Fares were comparable at other continental ports. Liverpool was the lowest at $12, but the fare from Rotterdam was $4 and the trip by ship and rail took ten more days. In addition, emigrants in the early years had to provide their own food during the voyage (about $8 per person), and pay the transport and lodging costs to reach their European departure port, where occasional delays in sailings might add to the expense. It took three to four days, for example, to reach Rotterdam from Groningen and the fare was $1.25. Once in Rotterdam, shipping companies allowed ticketed passengers to live free on the ship until sailing.

Upon arrival in America many newcomers faced an inland trip of several weeks before reaching their final destination. In the 1840s the Hudson River steamer to Albany cost 25 cents and the Erie Canal fare was $7-8. A Lake Erie steamer from Buffalo to Detroit cost $4, with an additional $5-6 fare to traverse lakes Huron and Michigan via the Mackinaw Straits to Chicago. Children under 12 always received a fare reduction and infants traveled free. In the late 1850s the train from New York to Chicago covered the thousand miles in five days for a 3rd class fare of $5 ($16 1st class and $9.50 2nd class). Thus, the total cost of emigrating from the Netherlands to Chicago at mid-century for adults was about $20 (f50), plus food costs of $10. Thirty dollars was not an inconsiderable sum of money; however, it was within the means of all but the very poor who were assisted by relatives, wealthy patrons, and fellow church members. The wealthy landowner, Jannes van de Luysterof Borssele, for example, advanced monies to pay the fares for 77 of the 101 people in his group, many of whom never would or could repay him.

Crossing the Atlantic Ocean made an indelible impression on every emigrant and all had a ready story to tell to any and all who would listen. Most were landlubbers who had never been at sea and were haunted by its mysterious powers and changing moods. Stormy seas, accidents, and in the early years a frequent lack of wholesome food, coupled with shipboard epidemics, caused exceeding pain and loss. Then seasickness, groans and cries of fright in storms, and burials at sea, were all too commonplace. Since the difficult crossings were more vivid and memorable than the uneventful passages, immigrant letters, dairies, and memoirs often stressed the unpleasant experiences. But for most, the voyage was a pleasant trip on calm seas, or at worst a boring routine, sandwiched between the melodramatic departure and extreme grief of leave-taking at the docks and the exciting first glimpse of America. The fear of the unknown future in the United States weighed more heavily than the crossing itself. Meals improved greatly after new regulations in the 1850s made shipowners responsible for providing food supplies and preparing meals. Sunday worship services were observed whenever possible.

Fatalities at sea due to epidemics and accidents were ameliorated with the advent of steamers that were built especially for passengers in the 1850s and 1860s. Sailing vessels, which took six weeks on average, had mortality rates over ten times greater than steamships, which crossed the Atlantic in less than two weeks.

The number of Dutch who died at sea was low, averaging less than 1 percent in the years 1820-1880.. The rates were slightly higher in the 1840s but they declined steadily thereafter, dropping to one-fourth the previous levels by the 1870s. Two-thirds of the deaths were children, usually infants under one year. Only one-quarter were husbands or wives, which was a far more serious blow to the family than the loss of an infant or child. The low death rate was a result of the relatively good health of the Dutch emigrants and their proverbial cleanliness.

Emigrants also died in the United States on the inland journey, especially before rail travel became commonplace. Accommodations on Erie canal boats were notoriously bad, compared to steamships and Mississippi River paddleboats. The Hollanders always recalled the Hudson River and Great Lakes steamers with pleasure, in sharp contrast to the canal boats, which were unheated, overcrowded, and moved at a snail's pace. Worse yet, the crews were uncaring. The 346-mile trip from Albany to Buffalo took up to two weeks and "was an experience full of hardship," reported Sietze Bos, who voiced the sentiments of many. Albertus G. van Hees who traveled the canal in early November, 1847, wrote: "We suffered great hardships. It was quite cold and there was no heat on board the boat and it was impossible to get warm food or drink." Summer travel created the reverse problem of heat. When Rev. Cornelius van der Meulen and his group of Zeelanders traversed the canal in July 1847, he wrote: "On the barge it was stifling hot and one had no room to sit down, there were no cooked meals and very little or no hot drinks." Three of Van der Meulen's parishioners died on the boat and one more died shortly after reaching Buffalo. J. D. Werkman reported being "packed like herring in a vat," an apt metaphor his Dutch readers could appreciate. Some escaped the crush of people on the boat by walking the canal path. As Hermannus Strabbing noted: "We scarcely had any room to sit. To lie down, rest, or sleep was out of the question. Our protests availed nothing. The crew acted as if it could not understand us, with which we had to be satisfied."

To lessen the hardships, the Dutch emigrants were careful to take ocean passage during the most healthful time of the year, in the late spring and early summer, before the summer epidemics broke out but after the dangerous winter storms on the North Atlantic. The problems encountered by the Van Raalte party in 1846, who arrived in New York in late November, taught their successors to depart much earlier in the year. As Van Raalte wrote: They must not leave in the fall, an "unpropitious season, ... at the season of the year when they must remain in the city at expense and thus expend the means to carry them into the interior." One of the men with Van Raalte wrote: "[We do not] advise anyone to come in the latter part of the year, not later than August." The "Knickberbocker Hollanders," New Yorkers of Dutch descent, likewise advised the immigrants to avoid winter arrivals.

The emigrants generally followed this sound advice; until 1870 nearly half arrived in May and June. Only later, when faster steamers had replaced sailing vessels, did the prime arrival time move ahead slightly, to April and May.

Most Dutch immigrants used the convenient Rotterdam-New York route, but Zeelanders had the ready alternative of Antwerp-New York. Until 1860 three out of four Zeeland emigrants went over Rotterdam; but less than half did so later because Antwerp and Liverpool offered more competitive rates. Poorer people had to endure the longer but cheaper passage through Liverpool. Antwerp, and to a lesser extent Le Havre, attracted immigrants from the southern Netherlands, especially in the middle decades.

As for the crossing itself, the danger of death was real but exaggerated; the Dutch mortality rate was below 1 percent. They were healthier and took more concern for cleanliness. They also were careful to depart in the healthiest time of the year, the spring. The Dutch, it is clear, planned their transoceanic journey as carefully as they made the decision to migrate in the first place and to choose their ultimate destinations.

Table 1: Port of Embarkation by Decade, Dutch Immigrants, 1820-1880

Port 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-80 1820-80

N % N % N % N % N % N % N %

Netherlands

Amsterdam 179 42 328 33 1897 15 842 6 57 1 1 0 3304 6 Rotterdam 13 3 85 9 7964 62 7138 48 1585 19 8475 52 25260 47

England

Liverpool 34 8 36 4 165 1 2200 15 2217 26 5380 33 10032 18 London 7 2 33 3 348 3 337 2 2038 24 244 2 3007 6 Glasgow 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 539 6 457 3 999 2

Antwerp 39 9 21 2 951 7 2526 17 1286 15 1361 8 6184 11 Le Havre 94 22 286 29 872 7 1651 11 175 2 63 0 3141 6 Other 2 0 1 2 294 2 0 0 4 0 18 1 319 1

Bremen 1 0 130 13 286 2 211 2 484 6 163 1 275 2 Hamburg 5 1 9 1 4 0 51 0 90 1 47 0 206 0 Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 0 14 0 ___________________________________________________________________________

Source: Data file: Dutch Immigrants in U.S. Ship Passenger Manifests, 1820-1880

Table 2: National Ports of Embarkation by Province of Origin, Pre- and Post-1860 (in percent)

_________National Ports of Embarkation__________________

Dutch British Belgian-French German

Provinces 35-60 61-80 35-60 61-80 35-60 61-80 35-60 61-80

Western:

Noord-Holland 84 51 9 44 7 1 0 4

Utrecht 89 61 2 26 10 9 0 4

Zuid-Holland 86 67 4 29 9 3 0 1

Northern:

Drenthe 94 56 0 41 4 0 2 3

Friesland 72 63 14 25 12 2 2 0

Groningen 87 48 9 44 4 1 1 8

Eastern:

Gelderland 84 32 3 52 13 12 0 5

Overijssel 80 52 12 44 6 2 4 2

Southern:

Limburg 24 32 0 22 76 45 0 1

Noord-Brabant 70 29 7 55 23 11 1 5

Zeeland 72 44 9 25 19 31 1 0

_________________________________________________________________________

Source: Data file: Dutch Immigrants in U.S. Ship Passenger Manifests, 1820-1880

Table 3: Zeeland Ports of Embarkation by Region, Emigrant Families and Singles, 1835-1880

Ports of Embarkation

Tholen-StP 39 47 #9; 8 10 16 19 17 20 #9; 1 #9; 1 #9; 2 1 83

(4) #9; #9; (2) #9; #9; (8) (27) #9; #9; (1) (4)

Sch-Duiv 222 61 53 14 62 17 17 #9; 5 #9; 1 #9; 0 #9; 11 3 366

(23) #9; (14) #9; (17) (27) #9; #9; (1) #9; (20)

N Bev 64 54 39 33 12 10 -- -- #9; 3 #9; 3 #9; -- - 118

(7) #9; (11) #9; #9; (6) -- #9; #9; (4) --

Z Bev 154 55 45 16 51 18 23 #9; 7 #9; 1 #9; 0 #9; 5 2 279

(16) (12) (18) (31) #9; #9; (1) (9)

Walch 122 59 41 20 14 #9; 7 -- -- #9; 13 #9; 6 #9; 17 8 207

(13) (11) #9; #9; (7) -- -- #9; (19) #9; (31)

W Z-Vl 288 52 158 28 34 #9; 6 #9; 5 #9; 1 #9; 48 #9; 9 #9; 16 3 549

(30) (43) #9; #9; (6) #9; #9; (8) #9; #9; (72) #9; (30)

O Z-Vl 58 67 24 28 #9; 2 #9; 2 #9; -- -- #9; -- #9; -- #9; 3 4 87

_(6)__________(6)_______(1)____________________________(5)_______

Totals 947 56 368 22 191 11 #9; 62 #9; 4 #9; 67 #9; 4 #9; 54 3 1689

______________________________________________________________________

* Includes Le Havre 30, Glasgow 14, Bremen 7; Stettin 3.

Source: Data file: Dutch Immigrants in U.S. Ship Passenger Manifests, 1820-1880

Table 4: Port of Arrival by Decade, Dutch Immigrants, 1820-1880

Port 1820-29 1830-39 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-80 1820-80

New

York 273 65 618 63 10122 78 14042 93 8066 95 15237 94 48358 89

Balt-

imore 0 0 45 5 1538 12 226 2 173 2 301 2 2283 4 #9;

New

Orleans 29 7 94 10 879 7 574 4 36 0 55 0 1667 3

Boston 18 4 #9; 51 #9; 5 #9; 229 #9; 2 #9; 162 1 #9; 213 2 #9; 257 2 930 2

Phil 85 20 170 17 163 1 48 0 8 0 416 3 890 2

Other 18 4 3 0 2 0 0 0 38 0 0 0 61 0

Atlantic and Gulf ports

___________________________________________________________________________Source: Data file: Dutch Immigrants in U.S. Ship Passenger Manifests, 1820-1880

Table 5: U.S. Ports of Arrival by Netherlands Province of Origin, Pre- and Post-1860 (in percent)

New York Baltimore New Orleans Boston Philadelphia 35-60 61-80 35-60 61-80 35-60 61-80 35-60 61-80 35-60 61-80 Provinces:

Western:

NH #9; 95 93 2 3 #9; 3 0 1 1 1 0

UT #9; 54 96 37 4 #9; 8 0 2 0 0 0 ZH #9; 90 99 4 0 #9; 6 0 0 1 1 0

Northern:

DR #9; 86 94 12 3 2 #9; 0 0 3 0 0

FR #9; 82 98 4 0 12 #9; 0 0 1 1 0 GR #9; 100 98 0 2 0 #9; 0 0 0 0 0

Eastern:

GE #9; 85 85 5 5 7 #9; 0 1 2 2 0

OV #9; 87 97 5 1 7 #9; 1 1 1 2 0

Southern:

LI #9; 100 100 0 0 0 #9; 0 0 0 0 0 NB #9; 92 99 1 0 2 #9; 0 7 2 0 0 ZE #9; 94 95 4 0 1 #9; 0 1 1 0 3

___________________________________________________________________________Source: Data file: Dutch Immigrants in U.S. Ship Passenger Manifests, 1820-1880